N'Gola is located just below the Equator on the West (Atlantic) coast of Africa, between Namibia to the South and République Démocratique de Congo (formerly Zaïre) to the North. It is slightly less than twice the size of Texas. Geographically, N'Gola has a narrow semi-arid coastal plain that rises abruptly to a vast interior plateau then descends to semi-arid plains in the South and East. The North has a cool dry season from May to October and a hot, rainy season from November to April.

N’Gola was originally blanketed by lush tropical rainforest that covered more than 75% of the country, essentially all land except the coastal plain. Deforestation caused by harvesting tropical woods for export and for domestic fuel has taken about half of the rainforest, and caused desertification, soil erosion, water pollution, siltation of rivers and dams, periodic rainy season flooding on the plateau, inadequate supply of potable water, and loss of biodiversity.

Only 2% of the land is arable and only .006% of the land is irrigated. There are no permanent crops and only 23% of the land is devoted to permanent pastures. Yet, subsistance agriculture has traditionally provided the main livelihood for 85% of the population.

N'Gola has some of the most abundant natural resources in Africa, chiefly large petroleum deposits, diamonds, iron ore, phosphates, copper, gold, bauxite, uranium, extensive tropical forests, and virtually unexploited Atlantic fisheries. 90% of its exports presently are petroleum, and the United States is by far N'Gola's largest trading partner, purchasing 63% of its exports.

Since the West seems to encounter few problems getting what it wants from N'Gola (ie...oil), N'Gola flies below the radar of the Western media, and therefore the Western world, as does most of Africa. In 1999, when the U.N.'s World Food Program asked for food donations for N'Gola, not one donation was received! Yet, in the 1970's N'Gola was making headline news as the "Viet Nam" of Africa.

As is the case in every country throughout Africa, N'Gola suffers from the unnatural juxtapositioning in one country of rival ethnic groups. This juxtapositioning is due to arbitrary boundaries drawn by the various colonial powers, and it essentially guarantees steady hostilites. N'Gola has been embroiled in civil war virtually unabated since independance from Portugal.

From 1926. until 1974, Portugal was ruled by the Fascist Salazar régime, which had been aligned with, the Nazi-dominated Axis in World War II. In N’Gola, Salazar’s savagely repressive colonial government installed a racial/social hierarchy: Portugués; African-born Portugués; assirnilados’ Africans and mulatos who, had been completely assimilated into Portugues culture, foregoing all vestages of African culture; and "indigenas", who retained their African identIties and were thus subject to a special tax. This special tax was one of many tactics employed in a campaign to eradicate native languages and cultures.

Portugues is the colonial language in N’Gola, and remains the official language. Far from obliterating native languages, the imposition of Portugues instead gave rise to "C’riolo" (the: Portugues spelling) or "Kriolu" a blend of Português and native languages. The majority of spoken indigenous languages are Bantu derivitives. The main languages are those of N’Gola’s three main ethnic groups: Kimbundu of the Kimbundu people ‘in the Northwestern region, who comprise 25% of the population; Umbundu of the Ovimbundu people in the central Western region, who comprise 37% of the population; and Kicongo of,the Bakongo people in the North, who comprise 13% of N’Gola. The remaining ethnic groups comprise 22% of the populace: Cokwê in the East; Gangela in the South East; and more than four in the Southwestern region. N’Gola’s literacy rate is 42%, and until, recently native languages and Kriolu were not written, did not have standard spellings or a dictionary, and were not taught in schools.

Since 1961, an armed anti-colonial insurgency had been waged against Portugal chiefly by the guerrilla militias of N’Gola’s three main nationalist political parties: Frente Nacional para a Liberaçao de N’Gola (FNLA), a predominately Bakongo organisation, led by Holden Robertoand supplied with troops and aide from Zaire (now République Démocratique de Congo);. Môvimento Popular Liberaçao de N’Gola (MPLA). a predominately Kimbundu Socialist organisation led by Agostinho Neto and supported by the Soviet bloc; and the Uniao. Nacional para a Total Independencia de N’Gola (UNITA), a predominately: Ovimbundu right-wing organisation supported by the fascist Apartheid régime in South Africa and led by Jonas Savimbi, a former member of FNLA. On 25 April,1974, when Portugal overthrew its dictatorship and ceased hostilities with the insurgents in N’Gola, the MPLA had control of Luanda and the central part of the country, the FNLA had the North, and UNITA had the South. The three independence movements agreed to meet to form a transitional government. Instead, the MPLA in Luanda proclaimed itself the government, instituted a one-party system in which it was the sole party, installed Agostinho Neto as president, and declared independence on 11 November, 1975. The MPLA enlisted the aide of experienced jungle revolutionary troups from Cuba to repel the FNLA and the ZaIrois in the North and UNITA and the South Africans in the South, which they finally did In March of 1976. Jonas Savimbi’s UNITA refused to abandon what became a civil war that they consider a continuation of the war for independence.

Because Of "Domino Theory" fears in the West, Savimbi was able to continue to receive the military and economic backing of South Africa and to operate out of the Northwestern corner of South Africa that is now Namibia. South Africa was in-turn’ supported by Ihe U.S. and its Western allies. According to the "Domino Theory", if N’GoIa's Socialist regime were allowed to exist and possibly flourish it would be the firsi "domino" that would lead to an entirely Communist African continent. Such a continent would mean an end to Western-backed "stable" governments; brutal totalitarian dictators who looted their own countries and ensured a cheap supply of labour by which firms owned or operated by Westerners were able to produce exports for Western consumption.

It was irrelevant to the West that its policies essentially drove African nations to ally with the, Soviet bloc, which appeared to be the only option if countries wanted an end to brutal despots, improved standards of living for their people, and economies run by their own citizens. In practice, it meant exchanging one form of dictatorship for another.

The current MPLA government of president José Eduardo dos Santos was elected without opposition under the one-party system on 21 September, 1979, a reign of 21 years. He stood for re-election in N’Gola’s first multi-party elections on 28-29 September, 1992, and received 49.6 % of the vote, while Savimbi received 40.1% with the remaining votes divided amongst three other major parties and about a dozen smaller, parties. A run-off election was mandated because no candidate received a majority, but the run-off election was cancelled by the government and Savimbi renewed the civil war after again being shut-out.

As the issues that invde countries willing to engage in proxy wars have essentially ceased to exist and foreign financial and military support for both sides in N’Gola has substantially vanished, hostilities have ceased only briefly. As all-race elections loomed in South Africa In 1994 and South African support for UNITA was obviously at an end, a peace accord was negotiated between the MPLA government and UNITA that provided for the integration of UNITA insurgents into the government and the armed forces. This "Unity Government" was installed in April, 1997, but fighting once more resumed in 1998 as it fell apart due to the difficulties of power-sharing between bitter ethnic and political foes and the lucrative allure of the insurgency.

Having raised an estimated more than $4 billion in the past 9 years from the sale of diamonds stolen from territories under its control, UNITA had no incentive to work at sharing power nor, as it tuined-out, to be concerned with a loss of foreign support, the diamond largesse was irresisiable. U.N. sanctions against UNITA have had little effect. None of the looted money has gone towards feeding or housing the starving and displaced, and it is doubtful that all of it has gone to the war effort. In all probability, UNITA insiders will enjoy a comfortable retirement as no doubt will the MPLA leaders. A considerable sum, however, has been expended on the placement of landmines which have victimised civilians far more than combatants. N’GoIa has become the landmine capital of the world, as landmines continue to be placed at an astounding rate while the practice is being condemned, and abandoned worldwide. Limbless N’GoIe, especially children, are an all-to-common sight, especially in rural areas. The people’s misery does not seem to reach the leaders, specialty since many of these people are from ethinic groups other than those of the leaders.

N’Gola’s 25-year civil war has killed up to 1.5 million people, and left 1.6 million homeless in a nation of 10 million. Hundreds of thousands are starving, and the World Food Program is unable to provide relief. Even if the WFP had provisions for N’GoIa, most of the starving people are in refugee camps in war zones where the airports are constantly shelled and major roads have been made impassable by landmines. 85% of the population had existed by subsistence farming. War and landmines have made farming nearly impossible and most of the country’s food must be imported.

The life expectancy in N’Gola is only 38 years: to further complicate matters, there is also an armed struggle being waged by the Frente para Liberaçao de Os Enclave de Cabinda (FLEC) for the independence of Cabinda, a non-contiguous N'Golé province located on the Congo River between République de Congo and République Démodratique de Congo.

Understandably, N’Gola’s economy is a shambles and the country cannot take advantage of its rich natural resources to create an economy that can employ and house its people. Assuming that the will to do so even exists, N’GoIa is unable to devote its energies and resources to positive activities designed to improve the lives of its citizens. What,should be a paradise is a nightmare. It remains to be seen if N’GoIa as presently constituted will ever see an end to the internal bloodshed and instability. The possibility of recovery, and ultimately, tranquility cannot realistically be contemplated.

More information on N'Gola can be acquired at the following websites:

www.sas.upenn.edu/African_Studies/Country_Specific/Angola.html

www.allafrica.com

www.nabou.com/regional_news/

www.ips.org.index.htm

www.mbendi.co.za

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